FAIR           Christians for Fair Witness on the Middle East

WITNESS         475 Riverside Drive, Suite 1960

New York, New York 10115

(212) 870-2320

www.christianfairwitness.com

 

Rev. Naim Ateek  Falsely Accuses Israel of Having Expansionist Goals in

“A Palestinian Christian Cry for Reconciliation

 

In his most recent book, “A Palestinian Christian Cry for Reconciliation,” Rev. Naim Ateek repeatedly distorts  history and the facts on the ground in Israel/Palestine in a manner that seems deliberately calculated to support  his accusations against the state of Israel, including his charges  of  Israeli “expansionist policies.”

 

Rev. Ateek tries to set the stage for his accusations of Israeli “expansionism” by claiming that by the “mid-1940s, the situation had become intolerable in Palestine as Zionist Jews swelled to almost 33 percent of the population.”  (p. 33)

 

           His language alone is revelatory of Rev. Ateek’s mindset.  What exactly is “intolerable” about Jews moving into an area?  Would American Christians think to refer to the immigration of, for example, people from Latin America into the United States as :intolerable” or would that strike us as unacceptably racist?

           In 1880 when Jewish re- settlement began in earnest,  Israel/Palestine was not a country, it was an administrative province within the Ottoman Empire.  The entire population at that time was very sparse -- less than 500,000 total (compared to approximately ten million today), with the majority non-Jewish. There was also significant Arab and  non-Arabic (Turkish, Kurdish, Bosnian and others) immigration into Palestine.

           Why does Rev. Ateek only find the Jewish immigration into Israel/Palestine “intolerable”?

 

Rev. Ateek then proceeds to confuse historical facts when he reports that “When the war of 1948 ended . . . .[d]ue to  the support of the Western powers to the Zionists, the United Nations failed to force Israel to go back to its allotted area.  (p. 33)

 

           The “allotted area” he refers to was the contours of what would have been the modern Jewish state under U.N. Resolution 181.  Rev. Ateek fails to inform his readers that the Nov. 29, 1947 Resolution created a Jewish state and an Arab State in Palestine by partitioning the region.   The partition plan was based on demographics -- majority Arab areas would have become part of the new (Palestinian) state and majority Jewish areas would have become part of the new Jewish state.   The Jewish agency accepted the partition plan.  On December 17, 1947, however, the Council of the Arab League announced that it would prevent the proposed partition by force. After starting a year-long war against  Israel, the Arabs had no right or expectation that the U.N. would “force” Israel back to the very borders that the Arab nations had rejected. 

 

Rev. Ateek claims that the 1967 war “showed the expansionist policies of the Israeli government.”  (p. 7)  But as we assume Rev. Ateek knows -- Israel did not start the ‘67 war, and acquired the Palestinian Territories in self-defense.

 

           In May, 1967 Egypt announced that its goal is to wipe Israel off of the map.  Pres. Nasser blocked the Straits of Tiran cutting off Israel’s only supply of oil (Iran). Egyptian, Jordanian and Syrian Arab armies begin building up along Israel’s borders, with assistance from Iraqi, Saudi, Algerian and Kuwaiti troops. 

           Israel acquired the West Bank, Gaza, Sinai and Golan Heights defending itself.

           Days after the 1967 war ended, Israel tried to open back door negotiations (no Arab country had diplomatic relations with them) for land in return for peace treaties.  On June 19, 1967, Israel’s National Unity Government voted unanimously to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace agreements.  The Israeli government also resolved to open negotiations with King Hussein of Jordan regarding the West Bank.

           But the League of Arab States (eight Arab heads of state) held a summit conference in Khartoum, Sudan from August 29 - September 1, 1967 and officially adopted a policy at that time of  no peace, no recognition, and no negotiations with Israel.

 

Rev. Ateek argues that in the beginning of the Oslo Peace Process “Palestinians  were moving forward in building their region and showing mature signs of bearing a responsibility for the nation”  which made Israel “uneasy since it had not reached its expansionist goals [so] Israel created conditions to halt and even reverse that trend.”  (pp. 25-26)

            Actually, the Palestinian leadership required no help from Israel in preventing it from “showing mature signs” towards nation building during the Oslo years.

           To be sure, there were missteps and mistakes on both sides when it came to implementation of Oslo.  On the Israeli side, there was a continuation of the politically foolish and humanly disastrous settlement policy.

           But the Palestinian leadership made no serious attempt to dismantle the terrorist infrastructure, organize effective security forces or to educate their people for peace as they were obligated to under the Oslo Accords. Yasser Arafat set up fourteen rival security forces in the Territories – a certain prescription for failure.  The 6.5 billion dollars the P.A. was given in aid to start the process of state building was all squandered.  And Oslo was followed a wave of Palestinian suicide bombing inside Israel.

           As President Clinton’s Chief negotiator and Special Envoy to the Middle East, Dennis Ross wrote:

 

To be sure, I would not now be writing about the failings of  Oslos if it had not been for Yasir Arafat.   . . . . “We needed Ben Gurion, and we got Yasir Arafat . . . .” Oslo might not have failed if Arafat had been prepared to be a leader and not just a symbol.  As a symbol, he could not give up Palestinian myths.  As a symbol, he could not compromise or concede in order to end the conflict.

  The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar Straus Giroux 2004) p. 767.